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Advanced technology not only promotes economic development and social progress, but also gradually changes people's life. However, extensive research has focused mainly on how a new technology fosters economic growth and competitiveness (Mittal & Nault, 2009; Seo et al., 2015; Yin et al., 2019; Li & Hou, 2019), and research related to welfare is limited (Castellacci & Tveito, 2018). As Sen (1989) pointed out that, when the material standard of living in society reaches a certain level, more attention should be given to human welfare. Martin (2016) also appealed to innovation scholars to shift their research focus from innovation for wealth to innovation for well-being. Therefore, more efforts should be devoted to studying how to improve individual well-being from the perspective of innovation and information technology.
Internet is a typical example of technology innovation. China has witnessed a late but rapid development of internet since accessing internet in 1994. Nowadays, China has the world’s largest internet users. The number of internet users in China grew from 617.58 million in 2013 to 989 million by the end of 2020 (CNNIC, 2021a). Although residents in prior rural China have a simple lifestyle and limited access to information and entertainment, the pervasive internet technology has comprehensively revolutionized their daily life and is likely to shape their well-being. As such, the rural of China provide a good case study for exploring the relation between internet use and well-being.
Multiple studies based on developed economics proved that internet have a significant effect on well-being (Castellacci & Tveito, 2018). In fact, the internet is becoming an increasingly important part in rural China. As internet penetration increasing, various digital devices are commonly used, thus reducing the gap in internet access. Internet penetration in China was 70.4% and reached 55.9% in rural China by the end of 2020 (CNNIC, 2021a). The unavailability of a connection is no longer considered the main barrier to internet access in rural China. However, differences in internet use skills across user categories have gradually emerged (Deursen & Dijk, 2011). In parallel with this argument, it is often contended that internet use could differ by the user’s skills and characteristics (Pénard et al., 2013). Therefore, in exploring the effects of internet on well-being, the present study not only focuses on the difference between the “haves” and the “have-nots” (i.e., those with and without internet access, respectively), but also pay more attention to the impact of internet usage frequency. A main feature of internet use is that internet requires users to interact with interfaces (Leckenby & Li, 2000), and the difference in interaction relates to individuals’ socio-demographic variables, such as gender, age, education, income, and employment status (Zillien & Hargittai, 2009; Huang et al., 2013; Niehaves & Plattfaut, 2014; Lai et al., 2018; Long et al., 2020; Maican et al., 2021). Dimaggio and Hargittai (2001) concluded that higher educated people tend to use internet for capital accumulation rather than for pure entertainment, unlike lower educated people. Matanda et al. (2004) found that those better-educated are more likely to use internet for communication. Maican et al. (2021) also found that graduates show more intentions to use collaboration apps than undergraduates and use them more. Niehaves and Plattfaut (2014) contended that elderly individuals are less likely to use internet than the general population. In general, internet use differs by education group and age group. Therefore, the present study aims to investigate whether internet use and usage frequency affect individual well-being in rural China, and further explores the different effects by various age group and education group and its cause.