Abstract
Administrators in the upper echelons of higher education face an array of dilemmas that impact and inform institutional priorities around how to serve various student populations best. Chief among those considerations is how to empower historically disenfranchised students toward a deeply substantive experience that inspires them intellectually and involves them in areas of social justice. This chapter provides an explanatory case study of a successful program launched by two vice presidents of a small, predominately white institution (PWI) in rural Kansas. It shows how deeply impactful outcomes for black male students can be achieved through intentional elevating educational intentional practice programs. The case study explores the “how” and “why” and offers insights for sustained future programming.
TopBackground
The Dilemma
In the summer of 2008, a small, predominately white college (PWI) in Kansas was deeply concerned about several of its newly graduated African American students from its undergraduate programs. These students had decided to enroll as a cohort in its MBA program.
The cohort consisted entirely of athletes; 11 football players and one basketball player. Administrators imagined their ambitions outpaced the students’ actual prospects for academic success. They wanted to ensure that the cohort would be successful. Although they were successful in the undergraduate program, the data suggest the Vice President of Student Affairs (VPSA) and the Vice President of Academics’ (VPA) concerns were well-founded.
The Economic Impact of the Achievement Gap in America’s Schools (2009) found that “Statistically, African American and Latino men arrive at college less prepared than their White counterparts.” The racial achievement gap finds Black and Latino students trail their White counterparts of the same age.
Even now, the National Urban League’s (2022) annual State of Black America Equality Index holds that the graduation rates from 4-year institutions where students started as full-time, first-time students find 44.3% to 66.6% black to white overall: 80% to 94% for student-athletes. The report shows a dismal 0.9% for black students compared to 1.1% for whites. There are myriad explanations for the academic achievement gap. For example, Steele (1998) attributed what he called “stereotype vulnerability” and “intimidation” as contributing factors to poor academic performance in black students, along with the widely held views that limited resources in black neighborhoods and schools are the main contributors.
The National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) cited by McKinsey & Company 2009 report finds that,
While blacks and Latinos are generally much poorer than whites in America, it is possible to parse available data to demonstrate the existence of distinct income achievement gaps within racial groups. Poor white students tend toward lower achievement than rich white students. Whites, meanwhile, significantly outperform blacks and Latinos at each income level. As a result, low-income black students suffer from the largest achievement gap of any cohort. NAEP data suggests that the average non-poor white student is about three and a half years ahead in learning compared to the average poor black student; this gap increases to roughly five years when comparing top-performing New Jersey with low-performing Washington, DC. (p. 13).
Examining reading and math scores in grades four, eight, and 12 shows how performance declines over time and illustrates the existing racial disparities. While in some cases, the number of black and Latino students at the “advanced” level was statistically significant, few were (p. 11).
Notably, there was a 60% decline in performance from grades four to 12 among whites, an 87% decline among Latinos, and a 65% decline among blacks over the same grade range.
Key Terms in this Chapter
Ethnic Identify Achievement: Results from exploring what it means to be a member of an ethnic group and commit to group membership. A bicultural identity develops whereby individuals develop a level of comfort with who they are in society ( Phinney, 1990 , 1992 ; Torres et al., 2003 ).
Integrative Awareness: The individual has a well-defined sense of self and can incorporate aspects of their culture into their identity. Their attitudes toward self become self-appreciating while still appreciating the group affiliation. The individual can now show selective trust and liking for members of the dominant group who seek to eliminate the oppressive activities of the group ( Sue & Sue, 1999 ; Torres et al., 2003 ).
Cultural Competence: The ability to understand, appreciate, and interact with people from cultures or belief systems different from one’s own. A willingness to learn about the cultural practices and worldview of others: a positive attitude toward cultural differences and readiness to accept and respect those differences.
Antiracism: Structured, conscious, and deliberate actions that intend to provide opportunities for all people on an individual and systemic level. It acknowledges personal privileges, confronts acts and systems of racial discrimination and works to change personal racial biases.
Cultural Reframing: Cultural reframing occurs when the mentee's existing cultural norms, values, and expectations are reoriented toward a divergent cultural perspective. The new cultural perspective enables the mentee to be open to and practice new behaviors suitable for success in the new environment.
Racial Competence: The skills and attitudes required to develop and maintain healthy cross-racial relationships, notice and analyze racial dynamics, and confront racism in the environment and in oneself. People aren’t born racially competent ( Michael, 2016 ).
Group dynamics: Emphasize the importance of group norms in shaping individual behavior. Both peer-to-peer and mentor-to-mentee involvement change normative behavior due to the role expectations of the group and the advisor.