The Integration of the Media With the Power in Turkey (2002-2019): Native, National Media Conception

The Integration of the Media With the Power in Turkey (2002-2019): Native, National Media Conception

Gülcan Seçkin
DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-3270-6.ch011
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Abstract

Between 2002 to 2008, the media space and its capital structure have changed considerably. The Justice and Development Party (AKP) government has taken steps to dominate the media field in a short time. The mainstream central media that dominated a significant portion of the media area had a wide experience in power relations. As the AKP started building a new Turkey, privileged media groups, organized to effectively support Prime Minister Erdogan and reshape the media sphere, established a totalitarian language as a mechanism of social control and became a tool for material and discursive practices. The media began to act as a force following the condition of being native, national, and conservative, which becomes an essential part of the political discourse of power. In this process, the media established sharp pressure on the most indirect, the most limited individual or organized opposition and critical views.
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Introduction

The pluralist approaches, which are the precursors of the liberal approach, have defined the media in a sphere of freedom from state interference and advocated that the media fulfills an important task as an autonomous power in the construction of a democratic and participatory society. On the other hand, the conditions of the media are shaped away from expectations of liberal approaches. It is crucial to address the transformations in the economic organization of the media, working practices and the way in which the contents are produced within historical, political, economic and cultural conditions. It is obvious that the media's relations with the actors and institutions that have the existing social power/authority within the social structure need to be analyzed within their historical periods. The media, which exists as a business under the conditions of the market and which is expected to be positioned as the fourth power, is being observed far from this position while it is working in the relation of dependencey with the political, economic, military and symbolic elite. On the other hand, the emergence of the need to have an internal discussion of institutions to emphasize democratic, libertarian values ​​and to defend the liberal media understanding is determined by historical and current periodical conditions. While analyzing the structural bias in the media, the importance of making explanations within both the historical and social conditions, and the current cross-sectional context appears.

It cannot be claimed that media organizations which focus on filling out daily life with all their forms and contents and which gain privileged positions with the function of journalism that is inevitable for the public interest, have autonomous status. Nor does it function as a spokesman or a device that serves directly for the interests of the ruling classes and elite groups. It has been acknowledged that the media organizations operate within the conditions that surround and limit their own daily practices and have an only relatively autonomous position. On the other hand, especially after the 1980s, when the New Right rose with its populist discourse all over the world, the transformation of the media into businesses that operate with the pure market logic has been advocated as a kind of road to more autonomy. Along with the monopolization caused by the policies of privatization and deregulation, the principles of public broadcasting were abandoned (Kaya, 1999, p. 637). Thus, while the change and transformation of the media system in Turkey in the 1980s and 1990s were consistent with the criticism of the monopoly of one voice public broadcasting, it was met with concern by media professionals and journalism organizations. On the other hand, despite the lack of political liberalization, this process has been presented as an expectation of deregulation and liberalization in the field of communication that is compatible with the globalization process. However, the media, within its political economy and certain operating patterns, while moved away from the emphasis on democratic values such as rights and freedoms and reached out to the plane of power and authority relationships. And in this plane, media professionals as symbolic elites, “translate the discourses of political, military, economic and symbolic elites into the public language and play an important role in the formation of harmony towards the social structure and the status quo” (İnal, 1996). The role of the media in achieving convergence has been taken further, and the fact that the media works in the direction of the expectations of the market and those who hold the power and authority is now considered a difficult problem to solve.

Key Terms in this Chapter

Postmodern Coup: The soldiers did not personally seize the administration on February 28th, 1997 in Turkey. Instead, a war was fought over the media. The fact that the soldiers did not force the government to dismiss, also made February 28 a “post-modern coup”. “Balance of democracy” was what the soldiers called it.

AKP’s Media/State Media: It is the direct or indirect control and determination of the financial processes, contents and discourses of media groups or institutions by the government/AKP’s government.

Secularism: Secularism is the principle that no religious or non-religous belief system can seize authority or power and establish pressure and soverignty over other belief system and social/political structures.

Media: Discourse : Media discourse is a broad term which can refer to a totality of how reality is represented in broadcast and printed media from television to newspapers.

National Military Comittee: It is an army comitee, which covers legislative, executive, and judgement, was set up after 12th September 1980.

Military Tutelage: Military tutelage means that the armed forces enjoy autonomy from political control, exercise the oversight of civilian politicians in certain policy areas, and again, retain the express fight to intercede when a crisis is perceived.

National Security Commitee: It is composed of the President, Prime Minister, security institutions and the people who surrendered the army to advise on national security issues.

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