“We'll Put a Boot in Your Ass, It's the American Way”: Selling Chauvinism in the South

“We'll Put a Boot in Your Ass, It's the American Way”: Selling Chauvinism in the South

Evan Renfro, Jayme Neiman Renfro
Copyright: © 2021 |Pages: 30
DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-4072-5.ch005
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Abstract

Since before the founding of the United States through slavery, the extermination of the native populace, war after war, regime overthrow, and more wars, popular media have been used to stir resentments and produce violent fantasies in the general citizenry that often allow for policies of actual violence to be applied against “the other.” This chapter will analyze the affective coordinates of this system in the post-9/11 context, focusing especially on how nationalist-jingoism has now triumphed in the age of the Trump Administration. Crucial interrogations addressed in this chapter include: Why are white southern/rural males particularly susceptible to popular culture induced affective violence? What are the mechanics of profit and neoliberal imperatives of this structure? What is new about the linkage of these phenomena with the first Twitter-President? In pursuing these questions, the authors will use case studies involving the popular media vectors of television, film, and music.
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Background

The commercial successes of what might in past decades have been dismissed as pure fantasy is a microcosm of the broader intellectual, political economic– in short, cultural – context in which we now live. Daniel Rodgers argues, this “age of fracture” can be analyzed if we pay attention to certain “acts of mind and imagination and the way in which they changed America” (2011, p. 10). While the importance of popular culture’s relationship to, and effect on, politics writ large is established (Anderson, 2006; Grossberg, 2010; Horkheimer and Adorno, 2007; Protevi, 2009; Zizek, 2017). This chapter analyzes the precise theoretical coordinates of a relatively new phenomenon, and within the geographic coordinates of the southern United States. Such geographizing and temporalizing allows for maximum theoretical rigor relating to the construction of a new politics of reaction. That is, it is clear enough what political work popular culture does, but to go beyond Althusser’s “aleatory conjecture,” and the “embarrassingly neutral yet omnipresent term context” (Jameson, 2016, p. 434); this chapter shows how that work is carried out, its theoretical underpinnings, and its implications for better understanding the interrelationship between current events, the ideological, and the cultural. Indeed, specific elements of popular culture are used here as a theoretical vehicle that may elucidate the broader implications for politics and policies of violence internationally.

Kurt Anderson has convincingly shown that, in America today, we live in what might fairly be termed, “fantasyland” (2017). Lawrence Grossberg (1992) has illustrated popular culture’s tempestuous relationship with the Right, whether attacked or applauded, censured or celebrated, the music/film/TV industry is never ignored by the political. We contend that a useful way to understand what is happening here is to follow Fredric Jameson’s (2016, p. 432) advice to utilize a three-pronged analytical matrix, paying due attention to the current, the ideological, and the cultural.

The affective emphasis on the strong, brutal, bullying, white male carrying out his duties to his country, and his sex drive, is clear and has been discussed in other contexts by scholars such as Tony Bennett and Janet Woollacott (1987), Jeremy Packer (et al. 2009), and Roddey Reid (2009). And one can go back to Richard Hofstadter’s 1964 essay, “The Paranoid Style in American Politics,” to grasp the American penchant for acting, or failing to act, based on fear. The communist menace of the Cold War has in many ways simply been replaced today by the never ending story of “terrorism.”

How to make sense of this? What is “this”? To answer the former question first, in this chapter we argue that what we are seeing here can best be understood by leveraging affect theory and applying it to crucial empirical examples representative of the relevant politico-cultural mechanics and machinations at work. We then explore these phenomena further, examining the research on variation in psychological and physiological individual traits and applying it to the examples, allowing us to better understand possible mechanisms for the aforementioned geographic and demographic coordinates.

Key Terms in this Chapter

Political Ideology: A relatively stable set of ideas, beliefs, values, and opinions that underlie a person’s belief system as to how society should work.

Negativity Bias: The phenomenon whereby things of a more negative valence have a greater effect on in individual’s psychological state and processes than neutral or positive things.

Racial Threat Hypothesis: A theory that proposes that as the population of racial minorities in a community rises, the dominant race will fear an economic and criminal threat and begin to impose higher levels of social control on the subordinate group.

Nationalism: Not to be confused with patriotism. Identification with one’s own nation (usually involving an ethno-linguistic group) and support for its interests to the exclusion or injury of the interests of other nations.

Affect Theory: To be distinguished from emotion, or feelings. Focuses on the processes that enable or disable individual agency.

Jingoism: Extreme patriotism, especially in the form of aggressive or warlike foreign policy.

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